By Sarwar Kashmeri
American overseas coverage towards Europe is merrily rolling alongside the trail of least resistance, within the trust that there's not anything quite amiss with the European-American dating that multilateralism won't repair. now not actual, argues Kashmeri. The alliance is useless, can't be fastened, and has to be renegotiated. It has now not grown to house Europe's emergence as an immense strength. a type of usa of Europe, with overseas priorities diverse from these of the U.S., has arrived at America's doorstep. yet the US remains to be forging international coverage for Europe utilizing chilly conflict realities; either Democrats and Republicans count on the eu Union to fall into step, and document for carrier as needed—under American leadership.Europe, although, has different plans, and because it turns into extra strong at the international level, competing visions of eu management have emerged. The Iraq conflict has introduced them into stark reduction. for instance, as Kashmeri issues out, the Atlantic divide over Iraq was once extra approximately French-British festival for management of Europe than it used to be a few department among American ambitions and ecu targets. He portrays British international coverage as out of contact with fact, as a coverage that has performed a disservice to the USA as a result of Blair government's exaggerated and self-serving view of the British-American specified courting. Kashmeri concludes with prescriptions for forging a brand new alliance in keeping with a different dating with the eu Union. This schedule is electrified through the techniques of the leaders who spoke to the writer in particular for this booklet, between them former president George H. W. Bush, former British best minister John significant, James A. Baker III, Wesley ok. Clark, Brent Scowcroft, Paul Volcker, U.S. Senator Chuck Hagel, and Caspar W. Weinberger.
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Extra info for America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide
So, it is in both sides’ interest to rebuild the alliance. But without realizing that this rift is fundamentally different, and coming to terms with the reasons why this is so, efforts to put the relationship back on track will be an exercise in frustration. As we shall soon see, in addition to such basic issues as the meaning of the phrase “war on terrorism” and the legality of how the United States has chosen to conduct its anti-terrorist operations, rebuilding the alliance faces an overarching obstacle.
To charges that most of America’s traditional allies opposed its attack on Iraq, the administration said that did not matter, the attacks of September 11 had changed everything. ” The fluid and dynamic nature of the terrorist threat meant America could no longer take the time to build a consensus for action with its traditional allies, and it did not need them to fight its wars anyway. America alone would decide on a course of action, and, once it had made this decision, it would ask for a show of hands and charge ahead with a coalition of whatever countries were willing to support its case, irrespective of their size or potential contribution to the war effort, and irrespective of whether they were democracies or dictatorships.
Chuck Hagel, United States Senator, Nebraska In 1991, the Republican administration, faced with Iraq’s brazen invasion of Kuwait, drew a line in the sand. American leadership and diplomacy created a groundbreaking global alliance that included Europe, America, and virtually the entire Arab world. This was no mean feat, considering that the war was directed against Iraq, an Arab country. Even the Soviet Union joined the alliance, despite of the fact that the Cold War was still active. Under a United Nations resolution—the only time the United Nations had unanimously authorized force against a member state—America led its allies into war and drove Iraq out of Kuwait.
America and Europe after 9 11 and Iraq: The Great Divide by Sarwar Kashmeri